By As Walter Russell Mead referred to his Foreign Affairs article in 2006, religion explains both Americans’ sense of themselves as a chosen people and their belief that they have a duty to spread their values throughout the world. Religion has always been a major force in US policy, identity, and culture. The faith also shapes the nation’s character, helps form Americans’ ideas about the world, and influences the ways Americans respond to events beyond their borders. Of course, not all Americans believe such things—and those who do often bitterly disagree over exactly what they mean.
As we observed in the latest US presidential election, religious groups are largely aligning with their traditional political affiliations: conservative Christians supported Donald Trump, while more liberal religious voters backed Kamala Harris. Despite Trump’s controversial past, he has maintained strong support from evangelical Christians. Many of whom see the 47th US president as divinely appointed, akin to the biblical King Cyrus, who liberated the Jews.
In the United States, approximately 20 percent of US adults identify themselves as Catholic. Where do these roughly 53 million and the US Catholic Church that represents them stand on politics and the divisive sociocultural issues? For instance, do they support Trump’s harsh immigration policy or his administration’s fight against LGBTQ rights?
We asked two researchers, one American and one from Hungary, to help us understand the recent trends and backgrounds of US Catholicism. Kelli Buzzard is a Christian traditionalist and recent Catholic convert, baptized in 2022. Her work explores the intersection of faith, culture, and politics, taking her from the U.S. to Central Europe, where she supported dissident churches during the regime change in the end of the ‘80s. Decades later, she returned as a Fellow with the Hungary Foundation and MCC. Captivated by the Traditional Latin Mass, she extended her stay in Budapest to nearly three years. Now back in the U.S., she writes for Hungarian Conservative and The American Mind. Holding degrees in communications, Christian Thought, and Classics, she is actively pursuing positions in policy and communications to advocate for conservative initiatives and support a second term for Trump.
Miklós Lovas has a major in philosophy and regularly publishes essays on philosophy, politics, and cultural theory. He has also been a press officer, communications director, and strategy director. Miklós is currently a research fellow at the Hungarian Center for Fundamental Rights.
Divisive Issues in the US Catholic Church
How influential is Christianity in America, especially the Catholic Church?
Kelli Buzzard (KB): I see American Christianity as a vibrant force poised for renewal, yet wrestling with deep divisions in a world craving meaning. As the largest Christian denomination in the U.S., with about 68 million members, the Catholic Church stands at a historic crossroads, its moral and spiritual authority challenged by internal fractures and a society adrift.
However, I believe the Catholic Church can spark a revival of traditional values, provided it embraces bold, tradition-rooted leadership.
Like American politics, the Church seems to split along political lines, progressive and conservative, and is defined by competing visions of what it is for. Progressives champion inclusivity, environmental care, and liberal policies like open immigration, aiming to align with modern culture.
Conservatives, like myself, are rooted in doctrinal orthodoxy and the transcendent beauty of the Traditional Latin Mass. The future of the West depends on what the Church does next. Will we inculcate virtue, purpose and meaning into our public life? Will we lean into the Common Good, understood at its core as loving God and one’s neighbor as self?
Kelli Buzzard
After decades of cultural drift which have unmoored us from enduring norms, I see this as Catholicism’s mission in a world where 20th-century ideologies—scientism, materialism, secularism, feminism—have collapsed, leaving people yearning for depth, meaning, and wonder, yet unsure where to find them.
Miklós Lovas (ML): As John Adams said: “Our Constitution was made only for a moral and religious People. It is wholly inadequate to the government of any other.”
Christianity lies at the very core of the United States’ founding, so deeply ingrained it often goes unacknowledged. Fundamentally, a faith and religious conviction, Christianity also shapes the moral foundation of Western civilization, making it the most important cultural force with political ramifications.
Its current political influence fluctuates: neocon evangelicals (such as Mike Pence) predominated during Donald Trump’s first term, while Catholics seem to be more prominent today, though without clear dominance (J. D. Vance, Marco Rubio, Sean Duffy). One thing is sure: In the United States, driven by both natural growth and mass immigration, the Catholic Latino population is steadily rising. Within decades, Catholics may form a relative majority not only demographically but also politically—reshaping the nation’s political culture.
Where do US Catholic bishops stand on “hot potato” issues like immigration, abortion, and LGBTQ rights?
ML: When approaching the issue of migration, three critical considerations must be examined at once: First, all pronouncements by Catholic bishops should primarily be understood through the lens of the Church’s two-millennia tradition, rather than interpreted chiefly through the transient context of contemporary political discourse. Secondly, migration to the United States occurs primarily via its southern border and is largely Catholic in character—a marked distinction from the predominantly Muslim immigration experienced in Europe, highlighting an essential demographic and cultural difference. Thirdly, the American clergy have consistently refrained from advocating any form of cultural self-abandonment; interpretations suggesting otherwise constitute a deliberate misrepresentation of their intentions.
Miklós Lovas
As for the gender issues, there is no question. Gender is an ideology and should be treated as such: its roots are clearly found in Marxism.
The concomitant “woke” movement can be understood as the secular parody of Puritanism. Thomas Molnar, the Hungarian-born American philosopher, expounds this phenomenon in his work, The American Way of Life recently translated to Hungarian. Wokism’s fundamentalism is wholly alien to the patrimony of historic Christian denominations.
KB: The U.S. Catholic bishops, organized under the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB), strive to engage politics as pastors, not partisans, guided by Church teachings on human dignity, life, and the common good. Their voter guide, Forming Consciences for Faithful Citizenship, prioritizes issues over candidates, urging Catholics to uphold the sanctity of life, marriage, family, and care for the vulnerable without endorsing parties or politicians. Yet, their public statements reflect a complex balance, navigating America’s polarized landscape while striving to maintain doctrinal clarity.
Most Reverend Timothy P. Broglio, USCCB President (Source: www.usccb.org)
US bishops diverge from conservative policies on immigration, emphasizing “compassion” over strict border regulation and taking the most liberal view possible of the Church’s teaching that nations should welcome migrants “to the extent they are able.”
Many encourage parishes to act as safe havens for undocumented immigrants through pastoral care, often described as “sanctuary-like” ministries, though no unified document declares dioceses as sanctuaries, and formal policies to harbor immigrants are rare due to legal risks. In Seattle, my bishop, Archbishop Paul D. Etienne, joined other Washington bishops in a 2025 pastoral statement urging Catholics to support immigrants through prayer and Catholic Charities’ services, promoting hospitality without explicitly designating parishes as sanctuaries.
Donald Trump, a Savior for Believers
As we see Christians in the USA avidly support Donald Trump, who has such a controversial life? How can he become such a Messiah-type politician, a “Savior of Faith”?
ML: In both Hungary and the United States, Christians have never yearned for a political messiah. We have our own: Jesus Christ, and no believer confers upon a mere politician the status of redeemer. Voters assess public figures according to competence and congruence with their convictions. Trump’s platform more closely aligns with the worldview of conservative Christians on both sides of the Atlantic. Though certain neo-Protestant groups have promulgated extravagant endorsements, it is for them to account for that hyperbole. (TV evangelist Hank Kunneman described politics as “a battle between good and evil”, adding: “There’s something on President Trump that the enemy fears: it’s called the anointing.”)
KB: Across America, people are searching for solid ground. They crave not just a stronger economy and good jobs but a connection to what’s true and real in life. Decades of cultural drift have unmoored us from enduring norms. This demands laws and policies that uphold the sanctity of life, the primacy of the family, and the preference for religious liberty, anchoring a nation lost in relativism. And that Donald Trump represents. My policy work in Washington, D.C., supporting a Trump term aligned with life and liberty, hinges on a restored Church, transparent and traditional, to lead America back to its Judeo-Christian roots.
The media often refers to the Christians who back Donald Trump and his MAGA movement as “Trump’s army of God”. Who are they exactly?
ML: The original Army of God is a radical pro-life group associated with the Pentecostal community. However, in a broader sense, it denotes an informal Christian movement profoundly dedicated to embodying their faith within the political sphere.
KB: Media and critics often use this term to describe the coalition of Christian supporters who back Trump’s political movement, seeing it as a defense of Judeo-Christian values against secularism. This group is a diverse alliance of believers—Catholics, evangelicals, and cultural Christians, among others—who share a conviction that America’s moral foundation is eroding and see Trump as a champion for their cause.
Prominent Catholics in Trump’s orbit include Vice President J.D. Vance – a 2019 convert – whose articulate defense of Catholic social teaching on life and family resonates with traditionalists, like me.
I warmly refer to J.D. Vance as “the Explainer in Chief” because he is perhaps the best articulator of his boss’s policies.
Others include Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy, and CIA Director John Ratcliffe, all Catholics who apply faith to policy, often emphasizing the common good over individualism. Groups like CatholicVote, led by figures like Brian Burch, herald Trump’s policies as answers to prayers, advocating a Catholic worldview in politics. The Napa Institute, founded by Tim Busch, also plays a role, fostering conservative Catholic leaders who align with Trump’s agenda on abortion, religious liberty, and family values.
Critics, like those at National Catholic Reporter, label this group as Christian nationalists, accusing them of wrapping capitalist ambitions in piety or inverting Catholic teaching on love and justice.
Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump greets supporters on August 21, 2015 in Mobile, Alabama.
Hungarian-American Relationship: “A Cornerstone for a Transatlantic Alliance”
Both the Orban and the Trump administrations define themselves on a Christian conservative ideological basis. How do you describe the current Hungarian-American relations?
KB: The relationship between the two nations is flourishing in the Trump era. It is rooted in shared values of national sovereignty, Christian heritage, and resistance to globalist ideologies. Hungary’s commitment to faith and family fuels my optimism for this partnership. I think, under Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Hungary has become a beacon of traditionalist governance, prioritizing faith, family, and nation—principles that echo Trump’s agenda and my vision for a faith-informed society.
Trump’s first term strengthened ties, marked by Orban’s 2019 White House visit and Trump’s praise for Hungary’s border security and cultural preservation. The Biden years strained this bond with critiques of Orbán’s policies, but 2025 heralds a robust revival as Trump’s administration aligns with Hungary’s rejection of progressive overreach, such as gender ideology and open-border policies.
The pro-family measures, like tax breaks for large families, inspire Trump administration figures, including J.D. Vance, who sees Hungary as a model for resisting secular liberalism.
Through the Hungary Helps Program, it aids refugees and persecuted Christians abroad, allowing it to maintain compassionate outreach while enforcing strict border controls. During the 2015 European migration crisis, when EU leaders pushed for open borders, Hungary’s border fence and policies slashed illegal crossings by 98%, though not to zero, exemplifying a prudent balance of charity and sovereignty that resonates with my vision for a faith-informed society.
I see this relationship as a cornerstone for a transatlantic alliance countering the cultural void left by secular liberalism’s collapse.
ML: The Hungarian government and the prime minister have a worldview, not an ideology. Of course, there are always self-important intellectuals who would like to play the role of ideologues, but they do not help politics function, in my opinion.
Now, both Trump and Orbán’s governments are conservative, albeit in different ways. Both administrations embody conservatism shaped by distinct national traditions. Rooted in their respective histories, the American variant is imperial in character, while the Hungarian form remains distinctly national and European. Both governments oppose excessive bureaucracy: Trump aims to drain the swamp in Washington; Orbán and his European allies target Brussels.
The essence of Hungarian foreign policy: to make all great powers interested in Hungary’s success. The strategic objectives of the current U.S. administration are in harmony with Hungary’s regional aspirations: we seek a stable, resilient Europe unencumbered by excessive bureaucracy, and we are committed to bringing an end to the devastating war unfolding in our immediate neighborhood.
It is a vital interest of Hungary that the war in Ukraine be brought to an end swiftly and with a durable peace—an outcome that only the United States is in a position to guarantee. At the same time, there are battles Hungary must face alone. Chief among them is resisting the accelerated accession of a wartime Ukraine to the European Union—a move that would destabilize the agricultural subsidy system and, in the long term, threaten the integrity of the entire Union. Not to mention the security challenge of allowing hundreds of thousands of former soldiers – with all the trauma of a lost war – to roam about Europe unchecked.
Finally, what do you think of the new Pope? Although Leo XIV was born and raised in the U.S., he was also celebrated as “Latin American,” reflecting his decade-long missionary duty in Peru and his Franco-Spanish descent. Will he follow Pope Francis’ attitude or policies regarding migration and other social issues like helping the poor and the vulnerable?
ML: “For I was hungry and you gave me food, I was thirsty and you gave me drink, a stranger and you welcomed me” – words that are two thousand years old, aren’t they? To me, Robert Francis Prevost’s life is that of a man of true integrity. Based on his public statements to date, he appears to be a man guided by moral imagination. He is the defender of the transcendent moral order, adheres to continuity, and is guided by the principle of prudence. In his first public statement, he emphasized the importance of peace, which I find particularly reassuring.
KB: From the moment Cardinal Prevost emerged on the balcony of St. Peter’s Basilica, dressed in a traditional red mozzetta and papal stole during his first appearance as Pope Leo XIV, speculation circled wildly about how the 69-year-old pope would reign. Would he continue the so-called reforms of Francis—synodality, hampering the Tridentine Mass the world over, Pachamama-type outreach to the world, and focus on climate change? Or would he reach back to John Paul II and Benedict XVI’s traditional way to face the challenges?
Leo XIV’s choice of regnant name gave me great hope. Leo XIII, the namesake, was a giant of the 19th century, a pope who faced a world hostile to faith. His encyclical Rerum Novarum laid the foundation for Catholic social teaching, defending workers’ rights while rejecting socialism’s errors. I believe his choice is signaling a desire to confront pressing challenges, such as artificial intelligence, the post-liberal frontier, and the Islamization of the West, to name a few.
Time will tell how Pope Leo XIV will reign. Will he roar as his name suggests—a lion of faith, bold and true, rather than whimper?
